Discussions on ‘Blackface’ issues

Readers may recollect NE’s debate about the ‘blackface’ tradition in British folk performance. NE in general supports established or revival traditions that can be understood as maintaining an element either of disguise necessary in a historical social context, or liminality. Sometimes, however, customs arise where people see things as ‘fun’ and do not realise the potential for offence; far more sensitivity is required than is sometimes apparent; and of course NE does not support ethnic or cultural caricuration.

Here are a couple of examples from recent news.

Lewes Bonfire Night, in Sussex, has long been one of Britain’s edgiest customs in terms of likelihood of causing offence. Each year, different celebrities are chosen to be featured as effigies which are then burnt (instead of Guy Fawkes, that is) – previous surrogate victims have included Thatcher, Gaddafi, Assad, Putin, Trump, Blair and Cameron, indicating that if you’re a self-serving politician you’re highly likely to be put to the fire.

One aspect of the event has finally been challenged, however, and dropped; a section of the parade that featured ‘Zulus’. At one time, it seems that some pains were taken to recreate typical Zulu body decoration, and the claim is made that it was originally (the bonfire custom dates back to the 17th century) a tribute to warriors’ bravery, but has slipped into stereotype and caricature, horrifying a S African Zulu dance troupe, ZuluTradition, booked for 2017. The organisation committee agreed to discourage blackface and ban caricaturing of black peoples. It is to be noted that other sections of the parade commemorate other peoples, such as Native Americans… [BBC Online, 3-11-17; Guardian, Times 4-11-17]

A counterpoint to Lewes’ readiness to look at itself, and an indicator of the potential political payload of blackface traditions is Holland’s Zwarte Piet. The way faces are coloured is very different from that in English mumming traditions, and it is very difficult not to see it as a clear caricaturisation of Africans. The rationale is that Zwarte Piet is assistant to St Nicholas, clearing chimneys on December 5 ahead of the saint’s Yuletide role as Sinterklaas, hence his blackness. Maybe – but as at Lewes, costumes in local civic events on Piet’s day have veered towards negative stereotypes, and in 2015 even the UN described it as a vestige of the Netherlands’ role in slavery. Some localities have abandoned or refashioned Piet in their Yuletide celebrations, but at least 70% have no plans to do so, and in 2017 the cause of Zwarte Piet was taken up by far-right organisations, and in a number of cases anti-Piet protesters were attacked. [Guardian, 29-11-17]

This illustrates the uneasy dichotomy than can exist in folk traditions, which can celebrate local diversity and identity in either a positive and inclusive or a negative and exclusive way. The latter was the route preferred in Nazi Germany, and apparently in some circles in contemporary Netherlands; and we are reminded that among the British National Party guidelines to members was a suggestion that members join or revive local traditions to use them as an active propaganda vehicle.

It is not a binary pro/anti issue, however, as we hope our discussions in NE have made clear. What is essential is that traditional teams using blackface do so in a self-aware manner and ensure that their disguise is not an offensive mimicry – you only need to compare the typical Zwarte Piet face – entirely black face and hands, with ‘Sambo’-like reddened lips – with the typical blackface style in English tradition – face and lips blackened, but rarely ears and neck, and not hands. The latter is clearly disguise, the former clearly racist.

Published in NE152 (March 2018), p.24, NE121, Spring 2010, p.17


Facing Controversy

We’ve had interesting feedback on the issue of blackface traditions. Here are two letters expressing different attitudes to those in NE 148 and 149 – and the editor summing up the issue as he now sees it, a little less wholehearted a supporter of blackface than previously…

Layla Legard, Leeds:

In response to the article regarding blacking up in Morris in NE148, I feel I must respectfully disagree. The few academic sources I have encountered investigating this issue have found solid links between minstrelsy in the music halls and a cross-over with Morris – indeed some sides were historically recorded as referring to blacking up as ‘niggering up’. It is easy to forget that most of the Morris folk traditions are Victorian in origin (obviously there are exceptions) when black people would have been more commonly encountered in England, even in provincial areas. Other sides were recorded to use several different colours for disguises and it’s arguable that the prevalence of blackface paint in border sides is mainly due to the influence of the Shropshire Bedlams in the 1970s, who were quite revolutionary and unique in their appearance at the time.

The tired and inappropriate argument that folk dancers in Africa ‘white up’ is irrelevant in the circumstances; those dancers are not mimicking white people, nor have the indigenous people of Africa enslaved white people for centuries, mocked them or created caricatures of them using face-paint, with discrimination, violence and mockery in the form of these caricatures still continuing to this day, such as has occurred with discrimination against black people.

The folk community is, unfortunately, often unintentionally exclusionary to non-white people and the attitude that ‘I am left wing therefore I cannot discriminate’ is simply not true if we fail to listen to people of colour who express their discomfort and concern. I’m certain the intent of most sides is not to offend and blacking-up helps them to feel transformed into the spirit of the dancer rather than their everyday selves. This is of course a wonderful thing, and one I hope can continue for many years, with sensitivity and an understanding that the tradition in itself can be problematic. However, by claiming the issue is black and white (apologies for the terrible joke!) when it is in fact a very grey area does nothing to help either side of the debate understand each other.

Remco van Straten, Belfast:

I am not doubting, at all, that the blacking up of morris sides does not have a racist origin. But does your correspondent (NE149) have to be so UKIP about it? “This is our tradition” seems to be the message, “and damn anyone else’s feelings”. What is wrong with welcoming more recent immigrants to our countries and including them in our traditions, even if that means that our traditions have to change?

We live in 2017. Traditions need to be maintained but also to be alive, and that means that, where needed, they adjust to the sensibilities of the times. In my native Holland we’ve got the problematic Zwarte Piet (also blackface, but definitely racist), and the same ‘but it’s our culture’ Kipper-like crowd defending it.

Does a non-racist origin excuse modern blackface from all criticism? The swastika was originally a sun-wheel symbol, but Hitler really messed that up. Likewise, gollywogs, Al Jolson and Black & White Minstrels should put the kibosh on blackface in any shape.

Why make blackface the hill to die on, because ‘it’s Tradition!’, when I see a distinct lack of period detail in regular sides’ dress? An event we visited not so long ago saw morris men in loafers, vests with modern badges, M&S shirts, and one of them had a colander on his head. No hobnail boots, no period-authentic costumes. Since guising is a part of the act – couldn’t they have worn blue make-up instead of having blacked up?

Editor, John Billingsley, responds:

The response to this topic has been refreshing, and I’m grateful to these correspondents for offering the other side of the argument, and for encouraging me to consider the issue afresh.

First, though, I would take issue with Layla over her suggestion that African face-whitening is irrelevant as they are not mimicking white people – but the guising point is that these old traditions were not mimicking black people either, so it is indeed relevant. Also, while the Bedlams were instrumental in encouraging face-blacking, John Kirkpatrick initiated it as a spin-off from mumming and other begging traditions, where face-blacking was prevalent. Layla refers to academic sources – presumably these would primarily be the ones by Bater and Buckland1, and I would recommend readers interested in the subject to follow these up (especially Bater’s very balanced and thorough discussion, which has informed my conclusion). Both indeed note the connection with 19th-century minstrelsy, and Buckland echoes this in relation to the Britannia Coconut Dancers of Bacup. However, both also note the hiatus in folk traditions following World War 1, and how subsequent revivals have construed the events differently from their predecessors, viz. more as celebrations of local community and home-grown culture.

In so doing, it is shown that traditions change and depart from previous connotations when the traditions themselves find that times have changed around them.

The obvious question is how black people feel about these traditions – and an equally obvious point is that it is not for white people to speak for them. Bater again addresses these points, finding that the people she speaks to are accepting of the blackface custom once they understand its background, and in this vein I recommend listening to the black film-maker Michael Jenkins on his visit to Padstow;2 Jenkins mentions how much easier he felt with it once he knew the background better – but it must also be admitted that this event has certain throwback elements among the performers who delight in singing a racist song. In 2005, Mark Morley, a black Briton who had experienced racial violence in 1970s Scotland and then moved to Cornwall, wrote about Padstow;3 “I can vouch for the humour, healthy sense of community, deep traditions and absence of racial sentiment at [Padstow’s Darkie Day]”, contrasting it with football – “far from being helpful, over-sensitivity to race can actually accentuate ethnic differences”, and Bater describes how the Director of Public Prosecutions, presented with copious video material of the event, concluded ‘I have seen no evidence of an intention to stir up racial hatred, or any likelihood of it being stirred up’. It cannot be denied that racism exists, and may piggyback on certain events, just as the BNP and EDL have tried to piggyback other English customs. It is essential to isolate and expel such elements, not abandon the whole thing.

So what is the background? For Morris, much of it being relatively modern, it is a more complicated picture,4 but the origins of blackface are clear in mumming. Folk events were generally created by poorly-paid labourers and workers, and were attempts to supplement meagre incomes. However, in the moral climate of the 16th and 17th centuries, when blackface emerged in the folk calendar, and into the early 20th century, this was looked on by society’s moral guardians as begging, and carried a stigma. As those moral guardians were often their employers, it was wise to apply disguise and costume; and by making the effort to distance oneself from one’s everyday persona, those ‘betters’, even if they could identify the players, could better overlook the transgression. In addition, such ‘guising’ helped performers to act outside their everyday selves. Why black? Because one thing everyone had, even the poor, was a fire, and soot – a free easily-available source of disguise. As for black persons – people were far more familiar with sweeps, miners, blacksmiths, etc., than with ethnic blacks, so it was part of everyday, not ‘other’, experience.

I feel I should defend our correspondent unfairly labelled UKIP. The point made was that new events and teams that adopt black facial make-up might fairly be accused of insensitivity at best; but that traditions that grew up in times when guising/disguising had good reason to be used should feel under no obligation to drop that aspect of their tradition (but are free to make that choice).

Other historical uses of blackface noted by Bater were in mediaeval mystery plays, where it symbolised folly and the lack of reason, in criminal activity such as burglary and poaching, in Luddites and Rebecca Rioters, etc. – transgressions where again disguise was essential. It also appears at customs marking liminal points of the year, such as New Year, when dark figures represent otherworld beings bringing luck to the world from the other side (cf. first-footing). The case for blackface as originating in English custom and tradition as symbolic disguise and not as racial othering is clear. It should also be noted that in most older and newer customs, hands and necks were not blacked, as they would be if the intent had a racial element.

Yet of course, that does not resolve the matter. Discussions with friends have alerted me to one important point that blackface defenders must consider: that any disguise is a deliberate act of ‘othering’ oneself, and the disguise may implicitly and subconsciously project ‘other’ status on those who resemble the disguise – i.e. men dressing up as women may be seen as maintaining gender-difference perceptions, and blackened faces as maintaining the awareness of racial difference. So there could be subtle and wholly unintended consequences.

It seems clear that at the very least education and information about this aspect of traditional culture is essential, to reaffirm the lack of racial intent in both its original and contemporary (but perhaps not 19th-century) form.

As Layla notes, it’s not a ‘black and white’ issue, and certainly binary responses – such as those seen in the violent attack on Alvechurch Morris5 – are unhelpful in any community. It may well be time for blackface traditions to change again. However, change is up to the performers, not up to modern moral guardians – that just reinvents Victorian campaigns to ban folk events because of their contemporary bugbears, the associated drunkenness and debauchery, and has the opposite effect of delaying natural change in traditions by entrenching local resistance to outsiders interfering in local culture.

But as Remco says, falling back on kneejerk rejoinders is no longer acceptable, and blackface performers must in my view reflect on the issues and decide whether blackening faces is still appropriate. Some teams now smudge, rather than paint, or use other colours to address the disguise element. The debate among our readers has certainly modified my own views (thank you, all!), lessening if not changing my own support for blackface; I suspect there is a generational element in attitudes that makes change likely in the longer term, and that’s fine. The first imperative though for all sides is not to judge but to be informed and to consider all aspects of the context.


Patricia Bater, ‘Blacking Up’: English Folk Traditions and Changing Perceptions about Black People in England’, MKPhil, National Centre for English Cultural Tradition March 2013, available

http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4181/1/MPhil_upload.pdf; Theresa Jill Buckland, ‘Black Faces, Garlands, and Coconuts: Exotic Dances on Street and Stage’, Dance Research Journal 22/2 (Autumn, 1990), pp. 1-12.

Darkie Day: Michael and the Mummers BBC Radio 4, 22 Feb 2016, available on iPlayer http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b06yr6vh. See also Bater, p202ff and passim.

Daily Telegraph, Letters, 26 Feb. 2005


Published in Northern Earth 150 (September 2017), pp.24-27


Facing Up to Hidden Histories

Does Blacking Up Have a Place in the 21st Century? Brian Taylor voices concern over blackface traditions in English folk tradition. This article should be read in conjunction with the other articles on this topic here.

“It is worth remembering that all discourse is ‘placed’, and that the heart has its reasons”

Stuart Hall, Cultural Identity and Diaspora

“Colonisation is not satisfied with holding a people in its grip and emptying the native’s brain of all form and content.

By a kind of perverted logic, it turns to the past of oppressed people, and distorts, disfigures, and destroys it”

Franz Fanon, quoted by Hall.

The cultural tide seems to be turning on the question of whether its acceptable for Morris sides to black up. Since Paddington Pandemonic Express abandoned full black face paint in the 1980’s many sides have followed suit, opting for other colours and/or patterns instead.(1) My own feelings on the issue have changed several times in response to what I’ve seen, heard, and read, so I’m writing this -as an enthusiastic white observer of a predominantly white English folk scene- in order to think things through, promote careful dialogue, and flag up some resources.

Bear with me while I start with some time travel. Back in the late 1970’s a fellow musician who was about to be made homeless came to live in my house. Carl “Patsy” Worrell had emigrated to this country from Barbados. He was popular in the Calder valley and had many friends but unfortunately also experienced some extremely crude racism. Carl had an impressive albeit hard won ability to defuse difficult incidents, and remained good humoured and compassionate to the end, but shared his sense of shock with me at the time. Only after he moved to Leeds in order to be close to a black community again did he feel empowered, and perhaps safe enough, to articulate some of his anger.

Much has changed since then, of course. In September 1977 a Race Relations Act came into force that established a Commission for Racial Equality to monitor its provisions. But although the cultural mainstream no longer tolerates overt racism, crude expressions still surface from time to time (2), and covert structural or institutional racism, and its denial, remains widespread.

Carl had previously lived in Birmingham where he knew the now widely revered cultural theorist Stuart Hall. What, I wonder, might those two have made of the spectacle of a group of middle aged white men in full black face paint and tatters, bashing wooden clubs to the accompaniment of accordions, had they come across them in a shopping precinct in that city? In January 2017 several young black men were filmed berating just such a troupe from leafy Alvechurch for “mocking black people” and disrupting the performance. Rather than investigating the social context of this unfortunate minor fracas -ironically, the relatively privileged dancers claim to have been dressed as historical beggars- the Birmingham Mail simply declared that ‘Brummies’, fearing the loss of a “centuries old tradition” […] “stuck up for the Morris Dancers”.(3)

Some years ago, the same paper took an aggressive line against Redditch Council over the banning of an Amateur Dramatic performance of Showboat that would have used a blacked-up cast. A key issue that emerged from the ensuing debate within Am Dram circles was that voluntary organisations needed to engage with local councils -who have a duty to promote race equality- and with ethnic minorities, in order to attract a more inclusive membership and reduce the chances of causing offence.(4) The recent EFDSS decision not to engage sides that black up reflects the same inclusive impulse.(5)

Unsurprisingly the Birmingham incident was taken up by all shades of the political right. Local Tory M.P., Communities Secretary, Sajid Javid, said that he was ‘proud’ of Alvechurch Morris. During the previous week the side’s New Year’s Day Mummer’s Play had been watched by an entourage that included a man in blackface wearing a Boris Johnson wig and holding a Brexit placard, and another dressed as Donald Trump.(6)

Care clearly needs to be taken to avoid citing positive responses by Black and Minority Ethnic people in a way that undermines negative, critical, or hostile reactions to full blackface such as occurred in Birmingham and, for example, Vancouver -where a black woman blogger wrote that a blacked-up Morris team left her ‘shaking with rage’ (7). Even Trish Bater’s informative M.Phil thesis downplays the offence that can be caused by blacking up. Despite being told by a Jamaican Brummie catering team at a folk festival that ‘a lot of people was upset’ by seeing white people in black-face, she reports this as ‘some’ people, and goes on to suggest that the problem was due to misperception on their part.

Bater’s hope -that as memories of mistrelsy fade, racism recedes, and the disguise theory becomes widely known, full blackface folk dancing will no longer be seen as controversial looks optimistic in the light of subsequent events. Moreover, her reliance on the disguise explanation contradicts her own assertion that its too late to determine whether disguise was even a partial reason why early Mummers, Molly Dancers, or Border Teams blacked up (8), and Chloe Metcalfe’s finding that the adoption of blackface by dancers in the Welsh Borders was strongly linked with minstrelsy.(9) Given that earlier face blackening was associated both with stage Moorishness and characters representing ‘natural folly’, such as Vice, the Fool, or the Devil/Beelzebub (10), and, of course, the legacy of British colonialism in ‘darkest Africa’ and the Carribean, I’m not sure, in any case, that pre-minstrelsy precedents can be expected to constitute evidence of an innocent ancestral past or justification for contemporary practice.

In a profound and influential essay entitled Cultural Identity and Diaspora Stuart Hall argued that because its not possible to delineate ‘race’ in terms of biological or genetic disposition, cultural representation is of fundamental importance. Since ‘race’ and identity can’t be fixed they are subject to a constant process of production, redefinition, and appropriation. Racism ‘constantly marks and attempts to fix and naturalise the difference between belongingness and otherness’. Hall came to regard ethnicity as a critical term insofar as it ‘acknowledged the place of history, language, and culture in the construction of subjectivity’ and called for a new politics of ethnicity, grounded in difference and diversity, that would not depend upon suppressing other ethnicities. ‘We all speak from a particular place, a particular history, a particular culture […] and our ethnic identities are crucial to our subjective sense of who we are’. (11) Many subsequent commentators have since tangled with complications of post-imperial English ethnicities.(12).

Hall believed that cinema could ‘constitute us as new kinds of subjects, and thereby enable us to discover places from which we speak’.(13) When the Black British film maker Michael Jenkins went to Padstow on Boxing Day 2014 to film the particularly problematical Mummers’ Day revelry he found the atmosphere intimidating. Although the traditional name ‘Darkie Day’ had been officially dropped following attempts to modify or ban the event, blacked-up mummers were still singing offensive minstrel songs. Remarkably, Jenkins persisted, and -no doubt because he was keen to listen to the Padstonians’ stories, and had talked in a radio documentary about his personal experiences of racism- has apparently had a positive response. Hopefully his forthcoming film might re-kindle the kind of sensibility that once made Cornwall a bastion of the anti-slavery movement.(14)

The Britannia Coconut Dancers of Bacup trace their history back to the formation of the Tunstall Mill Cocoanutters in 1857. Mindful of my friend’s awful experiences, and fearing crass parody, I avoided going to see them for many years. When I finally caught up with them I was impressed as much by their warmth, gentleness, and sense of fun, as by the intricacy of the dances. A group of men wearing skirts (or ‘kilts’) and clasping hands while holding garlands bedecked with paper flowers aloft “to celebrate the coming of Spring and the renewal of vegetation” seemed a lot more subversive than the stick bashing antics of all-male Border sides. The Nutters also appeared to have more reason than most to wear full black face paint since, for them, it doubles as ritual disguise and as a reference to the area’s coal mining history which is depicted in aspects of the dancing.

What the flyers they hand out didn’t mention, however, is the strong link between nineteenth century Coconut Dances and Colonial Era stage representations of Africans. This has been clearly demonstrated by Theresa Buckland who quotes a local suggestion that street versions probably developed out of the Victorian tradition of young people “going niggering” (sic).(15) That said, we should also note that early minstrel performances in East Lancashire would have addressed an audience with strong anti-slavery sentiments.(16) Nevertheless this forgotten aspect of the dances’ provenance raises questions about how far today’s Coconutters have made the dances their own, and how they might respond to the sensitivities of multi-cultural twenty first Century Britain.(17).

Although current explanations of ‘thow’d pagan dance’ owe much to nineteenth century pagan survival theory, Theresa Buckland acknowledges that its present incarnation fulfils a need for enchantment. Charged by repetition over many generations, the Coconutters’ Easter Saturday procession round Bacup certainly seems to work for most of its predominantly white audience as a much needed community owned calendrical rite in which the dancers “pay homage and good luck to all the townsfolk and visitors”.(18)

Unfortunately, however, twice recently I have noticed a Black or Ethnic Minority person react to full blackface dancers at a local festival with visible outrage. Yvonne Aburrow and others mention black friends who find the practice offensive.(19) Like Simon Keegan-Phillip, therefore, I’m baffled that some members of an ‘overwhelmingly liberal left-leaning’ folk scene, despite their professed good intentions, seem reluctant to consider modifying an element of their appearance that for some black onlookers will recall minstrelsy’s disfigurement of their ancestral history, that renders folk dance vulnerable to racist appropriation, and -as many sides have shown- is not essential to achieving anonymity, liminality, or dramatic effect. (20)

Submitted Autumn 2017; unpublished in magazine for space reasons


(1) Patricia Bater, Blacking Up: English Folk Traditions and Changing Perceptions of Black People in England, MPhil, National Centre for English Cultural Tradition, University of Sheffield, 2013. p181. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4181/1/MPhil_upload.pdf accessed 13/7/17.

(2) Steven Morris, Cardiff Medical School ‘Blacking up’ Play led to ‘Feeling of Segregation’. Guardian, 25th January 2017. https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2017/jan/25/cardiff-medical-school-blacking-up-play-led-to-feeling-of-segregation accessed 10th July 2017.

(3) Birmingham Mail 9/1/2017 website, accessed 10//7/17.

(4) National Opera and Dramatic Association, It Isn’t Always Black and White, 2013. http://www.noda.org.uk/writeable/editor_uploads/files/nodafacts/It%20isn%27t%20always%20black%20and%20white%20V4%20July%202013.pdf accessed 11/7/17.

(5) Yvonne Aburrow, Border Morris Blackface, Gods and Radicals https://godsandradicals.org/2016/09/12/border-morris-blackface/ accessed 11/8/17.

(6) Alvechurch Morris Slay a Dragon on New Year’s Day, Birmingham Mail 1st January 2017.

http://www.birminghammail.co.uk/whats-on/whats-on-news/alvechurch-morris-men-slay-dragon-12392362 accessed 14/1/17.

(7) Vancouver Morris Men, the 2013 Blackface Controversy, You Tube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1FRPPaB6ehI accessed 13/7/17.

(8) Patricia Bater, Blacking Up, pp207-8 and 261-2.

(9) Chloe Metcalfe, To Black Up or Not to Black Up, A Personal Journey, Morris Federation Newsletter, Winter 2013. http://newsletter.morrisfed.org.uk/content/2013/2013-winter.pdf accessed 15th July 217.

(10) Patrica Bater, Blacking Up. p89-94.

(11) Stuart Hall, Cultural Identity and Diaspora, in Jonathan Rutherford ed. Identity, Community, Culture, Difference, Lawrence and Wishart, London, 1990 and Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies, in David Morley and Kuan Hsing Chen, eds. Routledge, 1996.

(12) Simon Keegan-Phillips, Identifying the English: Essentialism and Multiculturalism in Contemporary English Folk Music, Ethnomusicology Forum, March 2017, 26:1:3-25. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/17411912.2017.1302809 accessed 26/7/17.

(13) Stuart Hall, Cultural Identity, p236-7.

(14) The Untold – Harmless Tradition? B.B.C. Website: http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/articles/2rLzDFR653mHgzFzXKpfpDB/harmless-tradition and Darkie Day, Michael and the Mummers, B.B.C Radio 4 Podcast: http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b06yr6vh accessed 27/7/17. Also Patricia Bater, Op Cit, 196-8 and 202-6.

(15) Theresa Jill Buckland, Black Faces, Garlands, and Coconuts: Exotic Dances on Street and Stage, Dance Research Journal, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Autumn, 1990), pp. 1-12.

(16) See for example The Anti-slavery Reporter, Dec 24 1845, p236.

(17) Patricia Bater, Blacking Up.

(18) Theresa Jill Buckland, Th’Owd Pagan Dance: Ritual, Enchantment, and an Enduring Intellectual Paradigm, 2002.

http://jashm.press.illinois.edu/11.4/11-4_12-1ThOwd_Buckland415-452.pdf accessed 10/8/17

and The Britannia Coconuct Dancers of Bacup, Flyer 2017.

(19) Yvonne Aburrow Border Morris Blackface.

(20) Simon Keegan-Phillips, Identifying the English.